Left Margin
Labor: To Be Born Again
By Carl Bloice
January 23, 2005; published by Portside
SEEN AS A pyramid, there are three elements to be considered
in the context of the current discussion of the future of
unionism in the United States: (1) the working class, (2) the
labor movement, and (3) the unions. The unions exist because
at a point in history the labor movement, proclaiming itself
acting for the benefit of the working class, was born and set
about to organize the working class; the form being trade
unions. The challenge today, I suggest, is to respond to the
needs of the working class (of which the unions today
represent only a small part) and revive or re- launch the
labor movement. Proposals that seek only to increase the
number of working people in the unions do not respond
adequately to the needs of the class; likewise proposals to
merely adjust how the unions' resources are utilized to
maximize political influence.
The natural starting point for revitalizing the labor
movement is the existing union structure. It has the
resources, knowledge and personnel needed, and it would be
absurd to think of starting all over from scratch. However,
for a dynamic labor movement to arise it is obligatory that
it proclaim its intention to act in the interest of the
entire working class and actually set about to do it.
The starting point is the recognition that the working class
is under attack. In the mass media account, the social
programs that the corporatist and right-wing forces are
trying to weaken or destroy are those of the 'FDR era,' the
measures taken amid the Great Depression of the 1930s. It's
all a matter of framing. Give Franklin Roosevelt his due but
retirement security, overtime protection, bankruptcy relief,
social welfare and other programs were actually the priority
items on the agenda of the labor movement, the attainment of
which people fought for - and frequently died. Other targets
of those who would turn all aspects of our social and
economic destiny over to the market forces - like public
education - date back even further, to the program of the
European labor movement of the 19th Century.
Public education, Social Security, Medicare, bankruptcy
protection, public transportation, public health, gender wage
equality, and pension/retirement rights and things like clean
water and air and national parks are issues that directly
affect and confront the working class. A new or revitalized
labor movement has to see its mission as one of not just
protecting the position of the current union membership but
of acting forcefully on all fronts in the interest of all
workers.
Campaigning around Social Security, for instance, should not
be relegated to the union retirees. Protecting Social
Security and pension rights - public and private -- is a
class issue and the unions should take the lead - not just in
testimony before Congress - but also in preventing the Bush
Administration's effort to hoodwink younger workers into
thinking enactment of its privatization scheme would be in a
their interest.
There is one area where an essential social program is not
under assault - because it doesn't exist. For historical and
political reasons that can be debated forever, U.S. unions
failed in the post-depression or post-war years to win a
system of universal healthcare. The result is that millions
of working women and men, and their families, are not covered
by healthcare insurance. Leadership which favors just any
kind of healthcare financing scheme as long as it would
benefit a union's current members - and maybe others in a
similar situation - falls short and operates in counter-
distinction to the interest of working people as a whole. The
working people of our country need and want universal
healthcare and a re-born labor movement would heartily
champion its enactment.
U.S. unions have, by and large, failed to bring unionization
to millions of workers in the newest, fastest growing and
most dynamic sections of the workforce. One notable exception
is healthcare where inroads have been made but where the
portion of unorganized remains very large. While size and
density are important factors in strengthening the power of
individual unions, an effort to successfully unionize workers
in the fields of electronics/information technology, tourism,
distribution, retail, food processing and financial services
should be seen not as solely an effort to 'grow' individual
unions but rather as an imperative campaign to bring the
blessing of unionization (a chance to advance economically
and socially) to the millions of working women and men who
today face capital as individuals - and to their communities.
Over recent decades, the unions have expended a great deal of
energy and resources in political action intended to staunch
the flow of goods into the U.S. market from 'low wage' areas
abroad. This effort must be looked at in the context of the
failure to bring unionization to those working in
manufacturing facilities built by foreign or multinational
corporations in 'low wage' areas of the United States. To
eventually succeed in bringing unionization to workers in
these areas will require not just the expenditure of union
resources and assignment of personnel but, I think, more
importantly, an organizing and political effort with full
community involvement. This means (as with other elements of
the political/social challenges described above) alliance
with other sectors of society (i.e. African-American and
Latino communities, women, Lesbians, gays and social and
civil rights movements, environmentalists, etc.). It should
also recognize and support forms of worker organization that
are not unions but nonetheless constitute a sector of the
labor movement.
What this all constitutes, of course, is social unionism. To
successfully meet the challenges before the unions today it
is, I believe, necessary to take the lead in advancing the
interest of the working class as a whole. It will require a
revitalized, indeed, a re-born labor movement. The answer to
the challenges lies not only in the form of organization the
union structure devises but as well - and more importantly -
in the content of what it asserts and fights for.
[Carl Bloice is a freelance writer in San Francisco,
California]
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