AFL-CIO
Splits
As The Crisis Deepens in Business Unionism
By Steve Zeltzer
7/28/05
lvpsf@igc.org
IT IS IRONIC THAT ON the same week that the AFL-CIO was breaking up
and both wings of the split were arguing about the need to organize new
workers, the Hearst owned San Francisco Chronicle, represented by both
the CWA-Newspaper Guild Media Workers and IBT 853 Teamster drivers, had
taken or were taking major concessions. These union officials were
telling their members they needed to give up union classifications,
take cuts in vacations and wages and even agree to cross the picket
lines of other unions, even unions at The Chronicle, if they were to
survive.
http://www.sfgate.com/cgibin/article.cgi?file=/chronicle/archive/2005/
07/28/BUcontract28.TMP
In the same week as well, James Hoffa Jr., president of the IBT at
the Change To Win grouping was telling the press, "Striking workers, no
matter what union they belong to, can always count on the Teamsters for
support and assistance. We will never waver as defenders of Americašs
working families. Let me be clear, our coalition will not allow
corporate America to pit one union against another to the detriment of
our members or their families."
The present epidemic of "concession bargaining" from the airlines to
the auto industry however, was not even an issue - either at the
AFL-CIO convention or at the press conferences of "Change To Win".
Instead, the focus was on organizing the unorganized. The split also
took place during the same week that 15 labor-supported Democrats from
around the country voted with Bush to pass the CAFTA agreement. Some
of these same AFL-CIO leaders, like IAFF firefighters General President
Harold Schaitberger, had only weeks before raised hundreds of thousands
of dollars for these very politicians, only to be kicked in the face.
Yet despite the brazen contempt for the trade unions on this issue of
CAFTA, both the AFL-CIO and the Change To Win coalition refused to say
they would not only not support these pro-CAFTA politicians but that
they would run independent labor candidates against them. Finally,
right in Chicago where this convention was taking place, a two-year
strike continues at the Congress Hotel by the Unite-HERE union hotel
workers. If anything shows the political inability of the labor
movement to mobilize its members and shut down these union busters,
the continuing Congress Hotel strike shows the reality. Despite having
hundreds of thousands of union members in Chicago, the AFL-CIO,
including both wings fighting for control, have been unable to break
the back of this union buster in their own backyard.
Lack of Democracy?
It was also a strange twist in the break-up of the AFL-CIO, that both
factions now charge that the other is "undemocratic". The "Change To
Win" faction led by the SEIU, Teamsters, UFCW, UBC, Unite-HERE, UFWA,
LIUNA and the AFL-CIO leadership now primarily led by AFSCME and the
CWA both charge that the other did not want a democratic debate about
what ails the US labor movement. These accusations are strange indeed
coming from unions that do not even allow their rank and file to elect
their international presidents. No international union within the
AFL-CIO has ever proposed or even suggested that the president and top
officers of the AFL-CIO should themselves be directly elected by the
rank and file of those international unions - yet they now complain
about the lack of democracy.
In fact, at the last SEIU convention, President Andy Stern had
personally prevented a resolution from SEIU Local 509 for the direct
election of the president from even coming to the convention floor.
John Wilhelm and other leaders of "Change to Win" declared that the
debate was over in the AFL-CIO and that it would have been pointless to
be on the floor of the convention. When asked if the rank and file of
his and other unions were aware of the debate, he claimed that the
Unite-HERE members had an extensive discussion about the issues and his
membership supported the Unite-HERE leadership in leaving the AFL-CIO.
http://www.laborexpress.org/AudioFiles/WilhelmLoFi.mp3
The corporate transformation of US unions is systemic. In nearly all
US unions, business agents and other full time officials are appointed
and the rank and file membership pays for a centralized operation in
which rank and file power is limited and suppressed. Only ILWU Local 10
in San Francisco has a two year limit in office with yearly elections
for its officers. This would be a revolution within both wings of the
AFL-CIO and would help break up the bureaucratic monopoly that
presently exists in most union locals and internationals.
The real face of the "democratic" AFL-CIO was exposed however in the
efforts of long time 91-year-old labor journalist Harry Kelber
(www.laboreducator.org) to run for the AFL-CIO executive board. Under
the constitution of the AFL-CIO, a rank and file member from the
AFL-CIO can run for office but he must be nominated from a delegate at
the floor. Harry was able to get some labor council officers to
nominate him, but he received a letter from national CWA Secretary
Treasurer Barbara Esterling that they did not have him as a registered
member. Prepared as usual, Harry had a letter from his local stating
that he was paid up through December 2005 and he had cancelled checks
to show for it.
When this reporter at the press conference questioned Trumka, he said
that the CWA had told him that Kelber was not eligible because the CWA
did not have him as a member. They later relented and allowed Kelber to
speak at the end of the convention for 3 minutes if he withdrew his
nomination for the executive board. The whole point by Trumka Company
was to prevent any real debate or even statements by the executive
board candidates about where they stood - and Harry was the gumming up
the works.
http://www.laborradio.org/files/HarryKelber072805.mp3
At a previous Executive Council meeting at the Drake Hotel in Chicago,
Sweeney and Trumka had forced Kelber to move to another hotel and
charged he was a "security risk". The fear by these "leaders" of Harry
Kelber shows everything you need to know about what workers in this
country are dealing with. It is also telling that when John Sweeney
came to the presidency he rattled off threats that he would block the
bridges of the cities if that's what it took to organize; yet in this
divisive split in the AFL-CIO no such threats against capitalist
America are even being issued. As labor leader and UBC millwright Mike
Griffin has said, the only blockade that Sweeney would lead of a bridge
would be if his limousine broke down on a bridge.
Behind the rhetoric, accusations and counter-accusations by the
AFL-CIO and the "Change to Win" faction is the fact that neither
grouping has been able to articulate a serious strategy or plan to deal
with the near complete deregulation of the economy supported by the
Democrats, the growing privatization drive and the increasing ability
of international capital to outsource not only most industrial jobs but
high tech and professional jobs like X-Ray techs, architects and the
growing list of service industry jobs.
One of the glaring examples is the issue of national healthcare.
Neither grouping has clearly called for single payer national
healthcare that would eliminate the insurance companies and the control
by the drug companies of the US healthcare system. Instead they propose
piecemeal changes to a bankrupt medical system through pressure on the
corporate-controlled Congress. Hundreds of thousands of workers are now
having to forego wage increases in order to pay for continuing
healthcare coverage yet no plan was presented or discussed to unite the
entire working class for national healthcare.
Causes of the Split
One of the most immediate and significant causes of the split is the
failure of the AFL-CIO's plan to place Democrats in the White House and
Congress in the elections and then to get them to vote against CAFTA
and other anti-labor policies. After spending more than $200 million on
Kerry and the Democrats they have nothing to show for it. Andy Stern
even hinted early on, that a defeat of Kerry and the Democrats in the
2004 elections might be a good thing for labor in shaking up the
AFL-CIO bureaucracy. He had probably already decided that it was time
to get out of the AFL-CIO and Kerry's loss would help push more unions
towards his position. It was left to Jessie Jackson to tell the
remaining delegates at the AFL-CIO convention that they cannot let the
Democratic Leadership Council control the Democratic Party.
The failure of any union within either the AFL-CIO or the Change to
Win grouping to raise the need for a democratic political party of
labor again shows that underneath the veneer this is still business
unionism and the pro-capitalist politics of Gomperism. The policies of
deregulation, privatization and free trade have been implemented not
only by Republicans but union supported Democrats. The SEIU has also
argued that the failure to get more Democrats elected means that more
money should go into organizing to build support for the unionization
of Wal-Mart and other major non-union operations.
Yet the SEIU has played no significant role in supporting any
organizing drive outside of public workers. When workers in the San
Francisco Bay Area picketed the non-union construction of a Wal-Mart in
Oakland, no SEIU staff or stewards were on the line. If the SEIU,
UNITE-HERE, UFCW mobilize their members nationally to organize together
and use their power to target national union busters this will be a
first. At the same time this was possible to do within the AFL-CIO - to
blame the AFL-CIO for the failure to do so does not hold water.
The split of the AFL-CIO also now means that plans for "industrial
type" organizing will only involve those unions within one or another
faction and not any united plan. This sectarian approach makes a united
organizing campaign of the entire working class increasingly unlikely.
Even with open union busting now being the order of the day in the
U.S.A., there was very little talk of taking on the union busters and
government head on to stop it. At a conference of the Labor Action
Coalition (www.laboraction.org) the Sunday before the convention, part
of the discussion centered around the lessons of the 1934 general
strike in Minneapolis and the general strike in San Francisco. One of
the lessons of those struggles is that in order to be successful the
working class had to shut down the cities in mass working class action
that challenged not only corporate power but also the power of the
state.
Not one union or representative from either grouping even hinted that
this was the kind of action that was required in order to go on the
offensive. While Stern talked about the importance of this historic
split he refused to point out that the massive union organizing drives
of the 1930šs and the split between John L. Lewis and AFL president
Green was not over simply whether there should be industrial organizing
but whether this organizing would directly challenge capitalist rule
for union recognition. When Stern was questioned at Mondayšs press
conference about whether the AFL-CIO was prepared to move to the mass
mobilizations that took place in the 1930's he was quick to quash any
such notion. "It is a global and not a local economy, and wešre not so
unwise as to fail to recognize that this is not the 1930's anymore."
In Los Angeles after winning unionization of janitors through mass
marches and mobilizations, Sweeney and his supporters crushed a rank
and file opposition that wanted to continue the fight on the job. Their
business union strategy meant that the fight against the bosses should
not continue on the shop floor once the workers had won a contract.
Sweeney put the local in trusteeship and helped destroy a rank and file
opposition called the Multi-Racial Alliance that had been a leading
force in organizing the local in the first place and had won all
positions on the Executive Board.
PR Unionism
The idea of Stern and many who support him is that the way the
organized labor movement will survive is through PR gimmicks. In a Jan
30, 2005 article by Matt Balin in the NY Times, the writer talks about
the "feel" of the SEIU:
"In some respects, the S.E.I.U. now feels very much like a Fortune
500 Company. In the lobby of its headquarters, a flat-screen TV plays
an endless video of smiling members along with inspirational quotes
from Stern, as if he were Jack Welch or Bill Gates. The union sold more
than $1 million worth of purple merchandise through its gift catalog
last year, including watches, sports bras, temporary tattoos and its
very own line of jeans. (The catalog itself features poetry from
members and their children paying tribute to the union, along with
recipes like Andy Stern's Chocolate Cake with Peanut-Butter Frosting.
"Among his (Stern's) friends and allies he counts at least two
billionaires: the financier George Soros and the philanthropist Eli
Broad, who is talking with Stern about ideas to reform Los Angeles
schools. Stern was one of the founding members of America Coming
Together, the largest private get-out-the-vote effort ever assembled.
His top political aide, Anna Burger, who is the S.E.I.U.'s secretary
treasurer, recently took a seat on the board of the Democracy Alliance,
a network of wealthy liberal donors. How Stern wields this influence --
and his union's money -- can have a real impact on the direction of the
party."
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/01/30/magazine/30STERN.html
Stern, like his predecessor Sweeney when he was president of the
SEIU, has based his vision on "labor-management collaboration" deals.
The union has worked with corporations like Kaiser to stop workers'
power on the job and he has merged local after local into statewide
organizations in which centralized bureaucrats run the union top down
like the corporations they mimic. In California, they have worked with
nursing home bosses to stop homecare patients from suing over bad care
and they have signed contracts with Kaiser call-center workers to
provide financial bonuses if they turn patients away from doctors.
New Proposals?
One of the reasons that these AFL-CIO bureaucrats are so infuriated
by this new formation, besides the competition, is that their programs
are very similar. In fact, the AFL-CIO formally accepted many of the
proposals of the "Change To Win" grouping. What was put forward by both
groupings, was new organizational schemes that organizing could be done
using business unionist structures and the present reliance by both
camps on labor-management collaboration. IBT president Hoffa again and
again mentioned that he wanted his $10 million back from the AFL-CIO
but there was no specific plan about what to do with this additional
money. He and Stern promised that $5 million of it would go into the
organization of a new federation, which might include the Carpenters
and NEA. This new federation would also represent a significant threat
to the AFL-CIO if it included the UFCW and UNITE-HERE. No plans
however, were laid out by either side for serious political education
of the rank and file about the nature of the capitalist economy, the
history of labor and a labor media strategy to challenge the anti-labor
corporate media.
Neither the Sweeney nor the Stern grouping had any idea or plans
to develop a labor media strategy. When a reporter from a capitalist
newspaper asked Richard Trumka at a press conference how the unions
planned to get their message out, Trumka declared that that would be up
to the reporters at the meeting. When John Wilhelm of the Unite-HERE
union was asked about plans for a labor media strategy, he said "We
haven't formulated such a strategy" but that the best voices should be
the rank and file. The question is how to get those voices out when the
media is controlled by the same union busters and the robber barons
that run America. Even the Wall Street Journal noted this failure of a
new vision on 7/28/05 when they wrote "What John Sweeney and Andrew
Stern have put forth for the new vision of the labor movement is the
difference between Diet Coke and Diet Pepsi, but the labor movement is
tired of soft drinks." says a healthcare worker."
Another battle brewing in both camps is the anger by workers of
color, particularly Black workers who have seen increasing racist
attacks on the job and in the community but who note the failure of the
trade unions to openly fight these attacks. Throughout the country,
racist discrimination still takes place at many union operations such
as UPS and DHL and in the hotel industry, yet the unions have refused
to go on the offensive against these attacks. Even the issue of
"hanging nooses" being put up at construction sites, hospitals and
shops was a non-issue at the AFL-CIO.
Positive Effects of Breakup
The split has however already had some positive effects. The AFL-CIO,
while spending millions on Democratic Party hacks, has refused to
provide serious funds to the labor councils throughout the country or
to truly independent labor media and labor cultural work. Local council
delegates demand to know how the Internationals that run the AFL-CIO
would prevent possible bankruptcies and collapse of these central and
state labor bodies. The Sweeney leadership proposed to push the
Internationals to pay for all their members to join local and state
councils and pay per capita for all their members but this would still
leave a large gap in states like California and in large cities like
Chicago where the SEIU have hundreds of thousands of members. They are
now planning to order the removal of all SEIU and IBT officials from
central labor councils and state feds around the country. How this will
"help" them in their new "organizing" drives is highly debatable. Some
labor council delegates at the convention sought to begin the
construction of an independent network not run by the top officials of
the AFL-CIO.
Exclusion of Non-AFL-CIO Unions In Labor Councils and State Federations
In the UK, the history of the Trades Councils was an independent
formation that later led to the formation of the Trades Union Congress.
The TUC in the last five years has sought to shut down the independence
of the Trades Councils. In the US most regional union activity is
organized and supported by the trades councils and if they refused to
remove the unions that have left the AFL-CIO from their councils it
would be a test of the ability of the top AFL-CIO bureaucrats to keep
control. At present, some Carpenters locals and even some NEA and UTU
locals have been able to continue to be members of the Madison,
Wisconsin labor council but the Sweeney leadership with the support of
AFSCME and the CWA now say that they will remove all non-AFL-CIO
affiliates.
http://www.workdayminnesota.org/view_article.php
?print=y&id=900e9f65c62126eee71a6517628444d5
These unions however have generally never involved all their possible
members in becoming delegates or participating in the labor councils.
Instead this was left to the paid business agents and other staff. If
these AFL-CIO councils are to survive they will have to actually get
their members involved and participating in these councils. Workers
should fight for elected delegates from all locals instead of appointed
delegates. They should call on the labor councils to reject the orders
from the AFL-CIO tops to purge the councils. The growing debate among
trade unionists in the US about where labor is going is also an important
and historic opportunity to examine the roots of the crisis of corporate
unionism that dominates labor in the US.
At the same time, the break-up of the AFL-CIO will make it
increasingly difficult to silence activists and labor militants who are
calling for a strategy based on independent mobilizing and organization
of working people. If the internationals in the AFL-CIO are not able to
maintain these labor councils and state bodies, and the Change to Win
grouping actually builds a competing federation throughout the country,
they could seriously challenge the power of the AFL-CIO and its very
survival. The ability of the UNITE-HERE and the UFCW to defend
themselves when they leave the AFL-CIO will also depend on whether the
SEIU, Teamsters, UFCW and LIUNA are prepared to mobilize their members
on the picket lines when these workers are forced out on strike or
locked out. This will be another test on the streets for Stern and
Hoffa.
Politically, the result of the split will also lead to stronger
"left" positions of both factions. Following the split the AFL-CIO
passed a resolution for the rapid withdrawal of US troops from Iraq.
On Monday evening at a meeting of the US Labor Against The War,
Gene Bruskin, one of the key organizers and an official with the
national AFL-CIO, announced that the AFL-CIO leadership was seeking to
prevent a discussion of the resolutions by preventing a debate until the
closing day of the convention. This would have certainly killed any
chance of getting the resolution passed. It also showed the contempt
the national leaderships of the unions had toward democracy. Unions
including AFSCME, CWA and others representing millions of workers had
voted to call for immediate withdrawal from Iraq and now the leadership
was planning to kill any debate or action. This reporter pointed this
out and called for a press release by USLAW. While this was not done,
apparently CWA Vice President Larry Cohen, who will be taking over the
CWA in August 2005 from Morton Bahr, convinced Sweeney and company that
they better allow the debate or face a bitter backlash. The Sweeney
leadership relented and agreed to an amendment calling for the "rapid"
withdrawal of US troops. At the same time the resolution called on
other countries to train troops to run Iraq.
The split of the AFL-CIO concretely means that the monolith positions
and control of the bureaucracy has been weakened. The danger, which
they clearly saw, was that the very people they were seeking to keep
around them might start arguing to join the rebellion. Also, USLAW had
brought two Iraqi unionists to the convention who argued that the US
occupation was contributing to sectarianism and terrorism and that the
Iraqi workers had to solve the problem of the terrorists themselves.
Additionally during Jesse Jackson's speech, the strongest response
came when he called for the US to withdraw from Iraq. Jackson received
a standing ovation. When the resolution came up at the convention, the
spotlight and cameras were all trained on the two Iraqi unionists,
showing that there was leadership support for the resolution. AFT
International Affairs Director David N. Dorn in fact complained that
USLAW had brought only Iraqi unionists to the US who were opposed to
the US occupation and for immediate withdrawal. At the same time, USLAW,
in their victory statement, declared "The AFL-CIO has a proud history of
solidarity with worker movements around the world in their opposition to
tyranny." This played into the hands of those National Endowment for
Democracy (NED) supporters within the AFL-CIO fighting to stop the
exposure of the open collaboration by the AFL-CIO international
operations with the CIA and US multi-nationals. It also covered up the
bloody hands of Sweeney and those in the AFL-CIO who have done the
bidding of the US government in its international operations.
AFL-CIO Continues To Support Imperial Interventions Through NED
The resolution challenging the collaboration of the AFL-CIO with
the US State Department did not fare so well. It was called the
"Building Unity and Trust Among Workers Worldwide" resolution. This
resolution, backed by the California AFL-CIO and many labor councils
around the country, called for an opening of the books of the
international activities of the AFL-CIO, including its record in Chile
and most recently Venezuela. It did not call for the ending of
government funding of the Solidarity Center but only an examination of
its role. The AFL-CIO "Solidarity Center" takes over $31 million a year
from the NED and was actively involved in seeking to overthrow the
government of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez.
Unlike the anti-war resolution, the AFL-CIO Executive Council
supported a resolution that openly supported taking US funds. "The
Solidarity Center will continue to use public funding to support the
building of free and independent unions." It then went on to defend
the CIA-orchestrated intervention in Venezuela. "In Venezuela, the
Solidarity Center's programs reflect the AFL-CIO's statement of support
for the Chavez government's socially progressive domestic programs and
its objection to Chavez's infringement of freedom of association. Since
1999, the Solidarity Center's programs in Venezuela have focused
exclusively on collective bargaining, freedom of association and
workers' rights in relation to trade. In response to a demand on the
Confederacion de Trabajadores Veneazolano (CTV) by President Chavez,
the Solidarity Center supported programs focused on the democratization
and direct election process in Venezuelan unions. Funding for these
programs has been rigidly managed and controlled and has included
support for both non-CTV and pro-Chavez labor organizations."
Imagine the howls from these "labor leaders" if the Venezuelan
government was funding efforts to democratize the AFL-CIO and the US
trade unions. But as long as the US government is funding this it's ok
according to those who run the "Solidarity Center". This support for
the Solidarity Center was pushed by the chair of the convention, Gerald
W. McEntee of AFSCME, now the leading union of the AFL-CIO. After
lining up 5 speakers in favor of the AFL-CIO collaboration with the
Solidarity Center, McEntee asked "Did I hear someone call for the
question?" He then got one of his supporters to say yes and they shut
down the debate without one speaker opposed to the executive council
resolution. So much for "democracy" at the convention. The chair of
the AFL-CIO's International Affairs Committee is William Lucy.
Lucy is also the secretary treasurer of AFSCME and chair of the
Coalition of Black Trade Unionists. He was also a major labor supporter
of Mary Francis Barry during the Pacifica Radio and attempted
liquidation by the Barry cabal. Despite the fact that this corporate
power grab was aimed not only at the listeners but also the unions at
Pacifica, Lucy supported the union busting by Barry. The fact that
Lucy is now backing the AFL-CIO ioperations in Venezuela needs to be
raised by trade unionists in AFSCME and the CBTU. Who does he represent?
There was also no debate about the continuing support of the AFL-CIO
for the purchase of Israeli bonds and support for the Histadrut and the
apartheid wall being built in part with US tax dollars. A rank and file
labor conference which took place days before the convention
(www.laborforpalestine.org) heard reports on the legalized state
discrimination against Palestinian workers and how the AFL-CIO has
collaborated with the supporters of Zionism to silence trade unionists
who are critical of Israel. Recently the Association of University of
Wisconsin Professionals (TAUWP) which is affiliated with the AFT passed
a resolution calling for the divestment by Wisconsin of all companies
that provide the Israeli Army with weapons, equipment, and supporting
systems. This however never saw the light of day at the convention. The
conference committed to launch a national campaign to take these
initiatives into the entire labor movement and to begin an education
campaign around these issues.
http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL0507/S00340.htm
Shift To the Left?
It is likely however, that with the SEIU, a leading force in the
"Change To Win" grouping and AFSCME, a leading force in the AFL-CIO,
there will be a significant shift to the left in these federation's
formal "positions". Whether this leads to any action will be up to
those militants and activists in these unions and federations. The
possible move by the California Nurses Association to join the AFL-CIO
will also shift this federation to the left. The C.N.A. has been the
most aggressive union in going after California Governor Schwarzenneger
and in educating their members about the class nature of the US
healthcare system. It is also engaged in a national campaign to
organize nurses throughout the country and recently won 1700 nurses at
Cook County in Chicago against a more conservative nurses association.
The need to organize better and to be more successful will also now
pressure these groupings into action for their survival. Many members
of AFL-CIO unions are angry at the failure of the AFL-CIO and their
internationals to take on the bosses and in the past they have been
locked into staying with the AFL-CIO. This new situation will
potentially offer these workers the opportunity to leave and go with
more militant unions. If this takes place there will be tremendous
pressure on some unions to become more militant or lose great numbers
of their members.
This is also a fear among some union activists of both camps that
instead of organizing the millions of unorganized workers in the US,
the SEIU, AFSCME, Carpenters and other unions will launch massive raids
to poach the members of other unions. One of the most active unions in
such practices is the UBC carpenters, whose president is Doug McCarron.
McCarron has sent letters to the Sheetmetal Workers and Ironworkers
that he will no longer be bound by any agreements not to raid. He has
spent $19 million on a Las Vegas training center that is training not
only carpenters but electricians, sheetmetal workers and iron workers.
His plan is to offer contractors a multi-purpose union with a much
lower pay scale than the rest of the skilled trades. McCarron has
centralized the Carpenter's district councils with hand picked
candidates and has forced concessions on carpenters even when
construction was booming. His scheme to undercut the other skilled
trades is creating tremendous anger in the building trades and Stern's
effort to get the UBC to join this new "Change To Win" coalition will
further drive these unions apart.
But this could have the opposite effect. The fear that workers can
more easily throw out corrupt business unionists who have pushed
concession contracts with two tiers and wage cuts may pragmatically
force these unions to become more militant in defense of their members.
If this takes place it could have a significant effect in changing the
face of organized labor in the US which to this point has been
virtually compliant with the needs of capitalist America. While Stern
threatened the Democrats that he might support Republicans (he gave
$500,000 to the Republicans Governors Organization in the last election
cycle) if he did not get his way, there was no indication that this new
federation would begin to run independent labor candidates against the
capitalist politicians.
This is one of the enduring characteristics of post World War II US
business trade unionism. While the capitalists openly seek to create a
union-free environment and fire over 20,000 workers a year who are
simply trying to organize, the US trade unions continue to support the
same capitalist politicians and political economic system that makes
working people the victims. This great chasm is growing as the systemic
attack on the working class picks up speed and leaves a trail of
destroyed unions and workers and their families in its wake.
A few members of the Labor Action Coalition (www.laboraction.org)
picketing in front of the convention, highlighted their belief that the
choice for the unions is to either fight corporate America or die. This
is something that has yet to happen on the ground floor of the class
struggle.
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